These days we hear about “racial capitalism.” I got interested in this after being nudged by my buddy Tom Walker, a.k.a. The Sandwichman. (Long story.) I was prompted to read a book entitled “Black Marxism” by Cedric Robinson (1940-2016). I think it’s an important book, but after some rethinking I’m not sure we come out in the same place.
One of my prejudices is hostility to black nationalism, plaything of the FBI’s COINTELPRO rat-fucking in the 70s, harasser of the Black Panther Party. From there it was easy to be offended more recently by the super-position of bourgeois identity politics over social-democratic program, typified by the Democratic Party establishment ‘s attacks on Bernie Sanders. Conversely, in recent years I’ve transitioned away from what I now see as a stance of class-essentialist economism, which Bernie could be accused of, to a full embrace of “Woke.”
“Economism” in this context means an exclusive focus on the bread-and-butter financial problems of the working class, to the exclusion of concerns about race and gender, among other things. Broadly speaking, I think the Democratic Socialists of America is in a class-essentialist bag. Its failure to relate constructively to the Black Lives Matter agitation was an epic political error. Not coincidentally, our membership includes few African-Americans. By contrast, “The Squad” and its growing constituencies are a rainbow that looks like America.
To me, “Woke” in a constructive sense means full inclusiveness, which entails basic respect, for all races, ethnicities, religious faiths, immigration status, sexual preference, and gender identities. It also means standing up for the full citizenship rights of all, including the right to not be shot by police.
So here is where I am now. I don’t claim originality; others may have mapped this out much better than I do here. I don’t expect media coverage of my thought process, but writing is a way for me to think it through.
The term “racial capitalism” is redundant. Capitalism has always exploited racial and other group differences within the working class, when such differences exist. In the case of race in the U.S., we could say the differences are constructed.
There is good documentation on the social construction of racism in the U.S.: the work of Theodore Allen, for instance. My old friend and movement running buddy Jeff Perry, may he R.I.P., was obsessed with it. I only wish we had more of a chance to talk about it.
What usually gets lost in the U.S. racism origin story, typified by the 1619 project, is that racism is endemic throughout human history, exploited when feasible by all elites. Robinson is good on this. That does not excuse it, it is only to point out the frame is bigger than a U.S.-centric or even a Euro-centric view would support. Somebody could write a book about racism in India before Christ; maybe somebody has.
The capitalist class employs racism, but so have previous elites. The entire process of European colonization was a vicious, vast, racist enterprise. Of course, slavery existed long before capitalism could be said to have begun. My inexpert guess is that slavery throughout human history was usually associated with racism.
So race is inherent in class, in the sense that the exploitation of the working class is facilitated by racism, or more generally, the domination of elites is facilitated by the fostering of inter-group conflict among the subordinated peoples.
To be sure, capitalist development affects how class and race evolve and interact. So if capitalism is racial, racism is now capitalistic. Too great an emphasis on race can obscure the historical transitions elaborated by Marx that are still fundamental in my view.
It will be impossible to unite the working class as long as the subordination of P.O.C. and others is not recognized and addressed.
The supremacy of white over black supports that of men over women, “straight” over LGBTQI+, Christian over non-Christian, and native-born over immigrant. It has long been thought that imperialism affects U.S. domestic social relations, I would claim, along the same lines. A basic explanation is that the arbitrariness of white supremacy, its illogic as Mr. Spock used to say on Star Trek, lends itself to increasing, perverse inclusion of new minorities to victimize.
There is some recent reporting to the effect that the MAGA obsessions with “woke” are fading. I’m not quite convinced. What seems clear in either case is that any progress for the U.S. Left will depend on a deep commitment to inclusiveness in all the dimensions cited in the previous paragraph, which programmatically means upholding the full citizenship rights of all. It will not do for DSA, for instance, to waltz into a BLM struggle in order to peddle nostrums about free college or Medicare For All.
As the aphorism went, “Sandra Bland had a job.”
I've Figured Out Race and Class
Thanks, Max, I appreciate your clarity on this.
Number 7 is crucial, for anyone who's going to be task-oriented. "It will be impossible to unite the working class as long as the subordination of P.O.C. and others is not recognized and addressed." Exactly what this means -- addressed how, programmatically? -- is a discussion still to be had. Does that mean reparations, for instance? And what's more divisive than that?
I also would like to quibble a bit with number 9: free college and M4A can't really be reduced to "nostrums" in an organizing context, can they? since they and most other items on Bernie's socdem agenda would certainly help poor, minority, disadvantaged, marginalized communities proportionally more than anyone else. So for me, it always comes down to, addressed how, exactly.
I’m no expert on economics or economism. This essay is a good start, but: didn’t capitalism in the USA emerge when Northern capitalists and industrialists backed the end of slavery and push for wage-labor? Didn’t the US labor movement build itself at its origin as a whites-only system while fighting capitalism? It seems to me that racism is deeply embedded in the brains of the deplorables (and, often, us) and isn’t part of the essence of capitalism.